
Vol 17 No 3 (2016)
HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE: Change and Responsive Planning
Proceedings of the 17th International Planning History Society Conference
Delft, Netherlands, EU
July 17-21, 2016
Conference theme is History, Urbanism, Resilience.
Conference convener: Carola Hein.
The 2016 proceeding consists of 7 volumes and 1 Book of Abstracts. The 7 volumes follow the organisation of the conference in 7 themes, each one consisting of 2 tracks and each track consisting of 8 panels of 4-5 presentations. The presentations are divided in abstracts and peer-reviewed full papers, traceable with a DOI number online.

Vol 17 No 3 (2016)
HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE: Change and Responsive Planning
Proceedings of the 17th International Planning History Society Conference
Delft, Netherlands, EU
July 17-21, 2016
Conference theme is History, Urbanism, Resilience.
Conference convener: Carola Hein.
The 2016 proceeding consists of 7 volumes and 1 Book of Abstracts. The 7 volumes follow the organisation of the conference in 7 themes, each one consisting of 2 tracks and each track consisting of 8 panels of 4-5 presentations. The presentations are divided in abstracts and peer-reviewed full papers, traceable with a DOI number online.
Keynotes
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Talking about ‘resilience’ and ‘adaptability’ seems to be a new fashion in the world of architecture and urbanism. Many people use these terms without explaining what they mean. Both terms are often used in combination with, and even as synonym of, terms like ‘incremental’ and ‘bottom-up’ and as an alternative of large scale ‘top-down’ interventions by the state.
But it is far more than a new fashion; the use of these terms indicates a process of fundamental transition of paradigms in planning and design. This paradigm-change is related to a farewell of modernist and reductionist ideas and approaches in science, engineering and design. For a long time these modernist ideas were dominating, suggesting that it is possible to know and understand the world (the social world as well as the physical world) completely, and that, based on this knowledge, it is possible to plan and control the development of the world completely.
A large range of events contributed to the rising idea that it is impossible to know, predict and control the world completely: the social revolts of the 1960s, the messages of the Club of Rome in the 1970s, the concerns with climate change since the 1990s and many more. They contributed to an increasing awareness that systems in nature as well in society are complex, and that the developments of these complex systems are non-linear, with a basically uncertain future ( Scheffer 2009; Mitchell 2009). This uncertain future means that we have to take into account that disturbances can happen suddenly, unexpected, and also that external conditions can change substantially. Moreover, the size and scale of these disturbances and changes are unknown.
The situation and the challenges in urbanizing deltas are interesting examples in the current discussion. In a recent report, composed by TU Delft and the Delta Alliance, commissioned by the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the preparation of the UN-Habitat-III conference, the authors argue that delta regions are the most promising regions of the world, but in the same time these regions are the most vulnerable zones, were floods, draught, salinization and pollution result in major risks for millions of people, for economic development and for the environment (Meyer, Peters 2016).
Talking about ‘resilience’ and ‘adaptability’ seems to be a new fashion in the world of architecture and urbanism. Many people use these terms without explaining what they mean. Both terms are often used in combination with, and even as synonym of, terms like ‘incremental’ and ‘bottom-up’ and as an alternative of large scale ‘top-down’ interventions by the state.
But it is far more than a new fashion; the use of these terms indicates a process of fundamental transition of paradigms in planning and design. This paradigm-change is related to a farewell of modernist and reductionist ideas and approaches in science, engineering and design. For a long time these modernist ideas were dominating, suggesting that it is possible to know and understand the world (the social world as well as the physical world) completely, and that, based on this knowledge, it is possible to plan and control the development...
Talking about ‘resilience’ and ‘adaptability’ seems to be a new fashion in the world of architecture and urbanism. Many people use these terms without explaining what they mean. Both terms are often used in combination with, and even as synonym of, terms like...
Han Meyer13-24
Conference paper
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Between 1929 and 1945, the architects of the Bata Shoe Company in Zlín (Czech Republic), planned, and built, partially or in full, more than twenty modern industrial cities in Europe, Asia, and America. These towns were part of a corporate strategy of decentralization targeted at coping with the turbulences preceding World War II. The planning of those communities both reflected the company’s managerial system and welfare capitalism, and mirrored contemporary debates in town planning—Garden City, modernism, and Soviet linear planning. After World War II, the network of cities was separated by the Iron Curtain. From 1945 onwards, and beyond the company’s influence, these towns have been exposed to a multitude of realities that have altered their planned lives. However, a comparative assessment of their post-war development has not been made. This paper looks at the resiliency of Bata’s modern physical and community planning model to diverse social, economic, and political changes, in three continents. Based on extended fieldwork, it presents three case studies of Bata towns in transformation today—Batanagar, India; Batawa, Canada; and Borovina, Czech Republic. The study shows a series of intended and unintended legacies of their original planning that still determine the current development of those communities.Between 1929 and 1945, the architects of the Bata Shoe Company in Zlín (Czech Republic), planned, and built, partially or in full, more than twenty modern industrial cities in Europe, Asia, and America. These towns were part of a corporate strategy of decentralization targeted at coping with the turbulences preceding World War II. The planning of those communities both reflected the company’s managerial system and welfare capitalism, and mirrored contemporary debates in town planning—Garden City, modernism, and Soviet linear planning. After World War II, the network of cities was separated by the Iron Curtain. From 1945 onwards, and beyond the company’s influence, these towns have been exposed to a multitude of realities that have altered their planned lives. However, a comparative assessment of their post-war development has not been made. This paper looks at the resiliency of Bata’s modern physical and community planning model to diverse social, economic, and...Between 1929 and 1945, the architects of the Bata Shoe Company in Zlín (Czech Republic), planned, and built, partially or in full, more than twenty modern industrial cities in Europe, Asia, and America. These towns were part of a corporate strategy of decentralization targeted at coping...Victor Muñoz Sanz29-40
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Today the industrial heritage close to historic city centres is often part of major redevelopment projects. This is also the case for the former goods station district located in the north of Antwerp, close to the historic port of the city. The good station district was developed during the second half of the nineteenth century when new urban space became available after the demolition of the Spanish city walls in the 1860s. Henceforth, the city and its entrepreneurial citizens had the opportunity to develop a new industrial district with a goods station that linked the port with its hinterland. This industrial zone, which was highly productive during the second half of the nineteenth and the twentieth century, is characterized by many impressive warehouses. Recently however, this fascinating historic district started to undergo dramatic changes. The industry moved to the outskirts of the city and after a period of degeneration ambitious redevelopment plans were developed introducing new functions. The district is redeveloped as a residential district with offices. The vacant warehouses and factories attracted the attention of building promoters because of their valuable, large plots near the centre of the city. Some historic warehouses were demolished to make room for new office and apartment blocks, others were irreversibly changed. Although many warehouses still remain, their safeguarding is endangered by the speed and intensity by which the urban space is being redeveloped.
It is, therefore, indispensable to rethink the value of the unique and diverse collection of remaining historical warehouses and their significance in the ever-changing fabric of the district. This paper aims to provide a scientific base to support the preservation and adaptive reuse of these warehouses, which still occupy large parts of the former goods station district. The paper analyses the planning history over the past 150 years of this particular district, located between the port and the goods station in Antwerp. Archival research (cadastral information, urban cartography and historic address books) allowed to define and to understand the establishment, functioning and evolution of the district. Additional research of building permits was necessary to define the historical importance of the warehouses, serving as a base to put forward criteria for their preservation. Furthermore, on-site investigations provided insight into the recent developments and were necessary to evaluate the reconversion projects of the warehouses and the changing integration of the latter in the urban fabric from a critical point of view. Finally, suggestions are formulated for respectful integration and renovation strategies. Henceforth, the study serves qualitative redevelopment projects as it is indeed essential to revalue historic industrial buildings in the evolving city centers and to investigate how this valuable heritage can be preserved for further generations.Today the industrial heritage close to historic city centres is often part of major redevelopment projects. This is also the case for the former goods station district located in the north of Antwerp, close to the historic port of the city. The good station district was developed during the second half of the nineteenth century when new urban space became available after the demolition of the Spanish city walls in the 1860s. Henceforth, the city and its entrepreneurial citizens had the opportunity to develop a new industrial district with a goods station that linked the port with its hinterland. This industrial zone, which was highly productive during the second half of the nineteenth and the twentieth century, is characterized by many impressive warehouses. Recently however, this fascinating historic district started to undergo dramatic changes. The industry moved to the outskirts of the city and after a period of degeneration ambitious redevelopment plans were developed...Today the industrial heritage close to historic city centres is often part of major redevelopment projects. This is also the case for the former goods station district located in the north of Antwerp, close to the historic port of the city. The good station district was developed during the...Marianne De Fossé45-57 -
The current location of the commercial and industrial harbour of Strasbourg dates from the late nineteenth century, as the municipality decided to remove it from the inner city and bring it closer to the Rhine. In reality, Strasbourg's port facilities were first situated on the river Ill, in order to avoid the frequent flooding of the Rhine, whose course was not canalized before the nineteenth century. Located between Basel and Karlsruhe, Strasbourg is trying to assert a leading position among the other Rhine harbours and engaged a strong development policy at the beginning of the XXth century. On the opposite riverside, in 1900 the Baden railways company established the Port of Kehl in order to face competition and control commercial traffic to southern Germany and Switzerland. After the First World War, Kehl’s harbour accommodated an International board (Versailles Treaty, Art. 65). Between 1890 and the late 1970s, Strasbourg’s and Kehl’s commercial and industrial ports expand for nearly 6 km long on both sides of the Rhine.
Today, the future development of these territories is a major challenge for the construction of the cross-border metropolis, due to harbours’ central location, as well as for the energy and ecological territorial transition, a central issue within local debates. Presented as the new "metropolitan belt", the Strasbourg-Kehl urban development axis connecting together the French and German historical city-centers, highlights the interface between the city and the harbours areas. The international competition for the urban development of the customs sector in which we have participated as urban designers in 2012 is a very good illustration of these debates. In reality, the harbour sets new challenges related to industrial ecology, energy transition, environmental concerns, innovative mobility as well as contemporary urban condition and lifestyle, that are at the core of our professional practice (Atelier CMYT) and our action-research (AMUP-ENSAS research laboratory).
Strasbourg and Kehl’s example seems singular within the history of planning through this unusual coexistence of harbours areas (and their important infrastructure) with the new urban fabric (aspiring for strengthened urbanity and intense city life), both central located within the heart of the cross-border metropolis. Historical research leads to a deeper understanding of present and future choice of action for its construction.
This contribution aims to set, from a historical perspective, the socio-economical issues for the territorial development on both sides of the Rhine. We will refer to the new conceptual tools of the metropolitan scale - exploratory scenarios and Territorial Modelling and Visualizing Platform - that we explore through both our research programs and operational practice.The current location of the commercial and industrial harbour of Strasbourg dates from the late nineteenth century, as the municipality decided to remove it from the inner city and bring it closer to the Rhine. In reality, Strasbourg's port facilities were first situated on the river Ill, in order to avoid the frequent flooding of the Rhine, whose course was not canalized before the nineteenth century. Located between Basel and Karlsruhe, Strasbourg is trying to assert a leading position among the other Rhine harbours and engaged a strong development policy at the beginning of the XXth century. On the opposite riverside, in 1900 the Baden railways company established the Port of Kehl in order to face competition and control commercial traffic to southern Germany and Switzerland. After the First World War, Kehl’s harbour accommodated an International board (Versailles Treaty, Art. 65). Between 1890 and the late 1970s, Strasbourg’s and Kehl’s commercial and industrial...The current location of the commercial and industrial harbour of Strasbourg dates from the late nineteenth century, as the municipality decided to remove it from the inner city and bring it closer to the Rhine. In reality, Strasbourg's port facilities were first situated on the river Ill,...Cristiana Mazzoni, Andreea Grigorovschi, Helene Antoni91-101 -
The role of public market halls in European cities has been analysed from several perspectives: as specific places for feeding the city; as public services; as the first public places built specifically for women; as places to control health and taxes on food; as places where the urban-rural relationship can be articulated; as places to control citizens’ behaviour, or as places providing local trade within a structure. There are fewer studies exploring public food markets as cultural and social capital with a view to improving the local and new-endogenous economy, an economy which not only involves the environment, but also the sociality linked to the tradition of food production. Research on public markets in small provincial towns is scarce, particularly the role they play in maintaining the urban-rural relationship by providing a local food supply, and also in constructing the rural landscape. This case study concerns the province of Girona and its nine public markets halls. The aim of the study is to explore their role as a public service within the territory and the agricultural landscape, the communication system, the local gastronomic culture and economic culture, this apparently being more resilient and stable than the economy of scale.The role of public market halls in European cities has been analysed from several perspectives: as specific places for feeding the city; as public services; as the first public places built specifically for women; as places to control health and taxes on food; as places where the urban-rural relationship can be articulated; as places to control citizens’ behaviour, or as places providing local trade within a structure. There are fewer studies exploring public food markets as cultural and social capital with a view to improving the local and new-endogenous economy, an economy which not only involves the environment, but also the sociality linked to the tradition of food production. Research on public markets in small provincial towns is scarce, particularly the role they play in maintaining the urban-rural relationship by providing a local food supply, and also in constructing the rural landscape. This case study concerns the province of Girona and its nine public markets...The role of public market halls in European cities has been analysed from several perspectives: as specific places for feeding the city; as public services; as the first public places built specifically for women; as places to control health and taxes on food; as places where the...Fava Nadia, Marisa García Vergara61-72
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Known as Mingzhou in the Tang and Song Dynasties, Ningbo was one of the largest port-cities in ancient China. As a local city that combined both port and waterside characteristics, the urban planning was not only limited by its waterside property, but also guided by the development of port trade. At the same time, it possessed the flexibility of a local city beyond the ancient capital under the central system. Furthermore, the most typical feature of Ningbo lied in the characteristic of being a port-city among the three points mentioned above.
Ningbo was one of ancient China’s rare cities characterized by being open to overseas commerce. Through overseas commerce acting as the main goal and developmental motivation, its urban planning distinguished itself from that of most political and military type cities. Research on the changes to urban planning under Ningbo’s economic and political competitions can supplement case studies of China’s ancient urban planning. Additionally, it can provide a reference for research on urban planning of ancient port cities around the world.
Overseas commerce of ancient Ningbo was developed since the late Tang Dynasty, and reached its peak in the Song and Yuan Dynasties. Later it transformed into domestic commerce due to a ban on maritime trade in Ming and Qing dynasties. This thesis takes historical relics as the breakthrough point to research the transformation of overseas commerce in Mingzhou port-city from the Tang to the Song Dynasty, and on this basis, to discuss the effect on the city. The author considers the overseas commerce as characteristics of Mingzhou port-city that influenced its planning management system, spatial pattern, and its form of open concept.
By comparing the historical relics and archaeological information of “Heyi Gate-Yupu Gate District” and “Dongdu Gate-Lingqiao Gate District”, which are the port areas of the Tang and Song dynasties respectively, this thesis explains that the core port region in Mingzhou shifted from Tang to Song Dynasty. Additionally, the port’s function transformed from that of a single port to that of a comprehensive port. This shift reflects a process in which management of overseas-related institutions in the sub-city scaled up and spilled over, then completely separated.
Finally, the author suggests that a function of the port-city was it transformed the port region into the earliest street market, which caused the relaxation and disintegration of the "system of workshops and stores"; the nature of a port-city established an asymmetric spatial pattern in which “the western city is residential and the eastern city is commercial”; the orientation of the port-city gives birth to a “window” of overseas commerce and the city’s open culture.Known as Mingzhou in the Tang and Song Dynasties, Ningbo was one of the largest port-cities in ancient China. As a local city that combined both port and waterside characteristics, the urban planning was not only limited by its waterside property, but also guided by the development of port trade. At the same time, it possessed the flexibility of a local city beyond the ancient capital under the central system. Furthermore, the most typical feature of Ningbo lied in the characteristic of being a port-city among the three points mentioned above.
Ningbo was one of ancient China’s rare cities characterized by being open to overseas commerce. Through overseas commerce acting as the main goal and developmental motivation, its urban planning distinguished itself from that of most political and military type cities. Research on the changes to urban planning under Ningbo’s economic and political competitions can supplement case studies of China’s ancient...Known as Mingzhou in the Tang and Song Dynasties, Ningbo was one of the largest port-cities in ancient China. As a local city that combined both port and waterside characteristics, the urban planning was not only limited by its waterside property, but also guided by the development of port...Li Baihao, Wu Sha75-90 -
The paper intends to analyse, through a study of the Domenican convent in Livorno, the urban development of this Tuscan city, from the 17th century, when the Friars Preachers established there permanently.
The city of Livorno was founded by the Medici family in the 16th century, using the Bernardo Buontalenti project for a newly fortified urban center.
The Dominicans reached Livorno, which was a maritime trading center, and obtained from the Grand Duke Cosimo III, in 1695, a land in an expanding area, the “Venezia Nuova” (New Venice) in order to build their convent. In this part of the city the Dominicans found an urban structure which was particularly appealing to their religious activities and their desire to expand. Indeed, this area had developed in order to suit the merchant class needs. However, this commercial aspect was disdained by the Dominicans, as it was associated with the ultimate sin, i.e. usury.
This research intends to deepen our knowledge, through examining ancient maps and drawings of the Dominican complex project, of a less known Livorno’s history aspect. Specifically, it aims to investigate the planning strategy of “Venezia Nuova” urban area, which was established in the 17th century in order to welcome the Order of Preachers. At that time the city was experiencing a great economic and social increase, and the presence of the Dominicans would determine the 18th-century urban expansion. The area was a particular land characterized by the presence of the sea and some marshes, and, through architectural and constructive expedients, it was adapted to the project needs. Indeed, the new development was conceived as an island surrounded by canals dug out from old military moats. The canals were designed to have ports and landing places, in order to facilitate a rapid flow within the city for the loading and unloading of goods.
After the suppression of the Dominican convent, this complex was assigned to the Ecclesiastical administration. In 1786 it experienced several functional and architectural transformations; successively, during the French dominion (1808-1814), the structure was turned into a prison. Until a few decades ago it continued to be used as a jail, and this usage caused the abandonment of the religious structures and a general decay in this section of the city.
A recent restoration and consolidation intervention on the ex-Dominican convent, which aim was the transformation of the edifices into a new site for the State Archives, gave the opportunity to know the religious complex. It had suffered heavy architectural and functional changes that had a significant importance in the urban context as well.
Nowadays, despite experiencing a state of abandonment and decay, the area still provides interesting points of force and great potential, deriving from a perfect synergy between architecture, urban environment and the city. This potential and the “value” relationships need to be recovered in a future project that will reinterpret the site and foster retrieving both the functional use and the valorisation of the architecture within the entire urban center.The paper intends to analyse, through a study of the Domenican convent in Livorno, the urban development of this Tuscan city, from the 17th century, when the Friars Preachers established there permanently.
The city of Livorno was founded by the Medici family in the 16th century, using the Bernardo Buontalenti project for a newly fortified urban center.
The Dominicans reached Livorno, which was a maritime trading center, and obtained from the Grand Duke Cosimo III, in 1695, a land in an expanding area, the “Venezia Nuova” (New Venice) in order to build their convent. In this part of the city the Dominicans found an urban structure which was particularly appealing to their religious activities and their desire to expand. Indeed, this area had developed in order to suit the merchant class needs. However, this commercial aspect was disdained by the Dominicans, as it was associated with the ultimate sin, i.e. usury.
This...The paper intends to analyse, through a study of the Domenican convent in Livorno, the urban development of this Tuscan city, from the 17th century, when the Friars Preachers established there permanently.
The city of Livorno was founded by the Medici family in the 16th...Maria Grazia Turco105-116 -
What is the contribution of the garden-city idea to urbanization in Brazil? Focusing on several layouts for new towns and suburbs designed along garden-city lines all over the country throughout the twentieth century, this paper will show that the garden-city idea was adapted to various purposes and different contexts and will present a panorama of recurrent adaptations. Planning ideas are not imported and put into use as easily as a material object. They rather involve emulation, rejection, combination, and transformation; a selective borrowing of the original idea also occurs, and some hybridization with other physical models might be observed. Indeed, the movement of ideas – from person to person, from situation to situation, from one period to another – necessarily involves processes of representation and institutionalization, which are different to those at their point of origin. More commonly, foreign cultural aspects are partially accommodated and transformed by their new uses and their position in a new time and place. With no specific association in Brazil, the garden city was soon locally disseminated through isolated personal attitudes and international intercourse. The role of model towns and native aspirations helped stimulate the mirroring of progressive ideas and modern practices, and the sophisticated way the garden-city image dealt with nature within the urban form suited different proposals and local interests. Thus, urban parks, abundant open spaces, and parkways were tools for building an uncommon urban beauty; the copious green areas and tree-lined streets not only created pleasant townscapes but also improved tropical urban climates, and the conformation of the urban settlement according to site conditions was a technical improvement. Moreover, along with low population density and larger lots, the irregular street layouts produced what were taken as a modern urban environment. The garden-city idea was also the conceptual basis for regional planning through the connection of town and country zones and the construction of city clusters; it was the root for the lay out of new capital cities, spa towns, and urban settlements in pioneering agricultural frontiers and colonization areas as in the Amazonia. Additionally, garden suburbs have been created for both the upper classes and workers, and in both cases were regularly related to ideas of good living and high quality of life. Occasionally, garden-city corollaries have also been merged with City Beautiful aspects, so irregularity and picturesqueness ended up being combined with vista, formality and classicism. As a conclusion, the paper will stress that the fashionable garden city was mostly and extensively used as a way of achieving modernity, a civilizing instrument, a real-estate venture, as well as an effective regional planning tool. It was adopted not because of effective urban-reform initiatives or genuine social problems; it was mainly embraced for stylistic convenience, ideological principles, and as a marketing strategy.What is the contribution of the garden-city idea to urbanization in Brazil? Focusing on several layouts for new towns and suburbs designed along garden-city lines all over the country throughout the twentieth century, this paper will show that the garden-city idea was adapted to various purposes and different contexts and will present a panorama of recurrent adaptations. Planning ideas are not imported and put into use as easily as a material object. They rather involve emulation, rejection, combination, and transformation; a selective borrowing of the original idea also occurs, and some hybridization with other physical models might be observed. Indeed, the movement of ideas – from person to person, from situation to situation, from one period to another – necessarily involves processes of representation and institutionalization, which are different to those at their point of origin. More commonly, foreign cultural aspects are partially accommodated and transformed by...What is the contribution of the garden-city idea to urbanization in Brazil? Focusing on several layouts for new towns and suburbs designed along garden-city lines all over the country throughout the twentieth century, this paper will show that the garden-city idea was adapted to various...Renato Rego119-130
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Urban development projects are usually specific. There is a concrete designation of what the land is going to be used for – housing, commerce, leisure –, what buildings will be built and what infrastructure will be required. This enables a meaningful discussion of the proposed concepts and the balancing of public and particularistic interests. But what happens when areas are designated for development and cleared of inhabitants as a measure of economic “provision,” without a precisely defined purpose and with a time schedule stretching decades into the future? This paper will discuss this question in the form of a historical case-study on port expansion in Hamburg in the 1970s and 1980s. It will shed light on public and political conflicts, some of which were the result of particularities of port planning in general, some were the result of specifics of place and time.
In 1961 the Hamburg state parliament designated 2,500 hectares for port expansion. It was to be used for new docks, but also for industry. In 1973 the evacuation of the village of Altenwerder began, to make sure that there would be time for the long process of preparing the land for new use. While port expansion had been welcomed unanimously in 1961, from the mid-1970s on it met with resistance. The law of 1961, which allowed for expropriation of private properties without a development scheme, did not hold up in court. Equally problematic was, that the policy of the Hamburg Senate of economic and industrial expansion and the underlying ideology of growth were now called into question. The alleged benefits for the city as a whole in terms of jobs and tax revenue were compared to the ecological and social costs of sacrificing Altenwerder.
In 1982 a Port Expansion Law was passed to create a new legal basis for planning. The option of expropriating land for port purposes without a designation of its future use was included and the law allowed for industrial development in the port. To overcome public resistance, the Senate characterized port expansion preparation now in countless speeches and publications as an act of “provision.” Taking advantage of positive implications of the term from social politics – foresight, reason, rationality, responsibility –, the government maintained that it was not only necessary but actually its duty to take provisionary measures in the interest of economic prosperity. The rhetoric of “provision” did not bridge the ideological gap between politicians, port planners, environmentalists and private citizens directly affected by the expansion plans, but the public discourse calmed down after the completion of the evacuation of Altenwerder in the late 1980s, because no other areas of the plan of 1961 have been activated so far.Urban development projects are usually specific. There is a concrete designation of what the land is going to be used for – housing, commerce, leisure –, what buildings will be built and what infrastructure will be required. This enables a meaningful discussion of the proposed concepts and the balancing of public and particularistic interests. But what happens when areas are designated for development and cleared of inhabitants as a measure of economic “provision,” without a precisely defined purpose and with a time schedule stretching decades into the future? This paper will discuss this question in the form of a historical case-study on port expansion in Hamburg in the 1970s and 1980s. It will shed light on public and political conflicts, some of which were the result of particularities of port planning in general, some were the result of specifics of place and time.
In 1961 the Hamburg state parliament designated 2,500 hectares for port...Urban development projects are usually specific. There is a concrete designation of what the land is going to be used for – housing, commerce, leisure –, what buildings will be built and what infrastructure will be required. This enables a meaningful discussion of the proposed concepts...Christoph Strupp135-148 -
This study analyses the processes and approaches of waterfront regenerations in Europe and examines the factors and actors influencing these processes and aims to evaluate the implementations. Ports have great potentials for transformation of the abandoned industrial heritage for new activities. Throughout the whole world, waterfront regeneration projects are being developed on waterfronts during the last decades. Port cities were always busy due to their trade relations for many centuries. There are some common processes and cross-cultural transactions between port cities, as all port cities have to respond to the same functions to be part of the network. As the functioning ways of transportation and handling were similar, waterfronts of port cities were also designed in a similar way in the 19th and 20th century. Since ports were interrelated and the phenomenon of cross-culturalism existed, architectural approaches and implementations in port cities were transferred to other locations.
Port areas changed through expansion of the city, economical changes, technological developments, wars, fires, de-industrialization and containerization. Waterfronts of port cities were shaped and expanded through port needs. Wars and fires demolished the warehouses, but they were rebuilt and the function of the area did not change and port related functions were sustained in the same places. However, facts like containerization and de-industrialization caused the relocation of the port. These vast previously port areas became abandoned and eventually brownfield. These derelict areas are important for the implementation of contemporary architecture. The industrial heritage in these areas has been preserved through regeneration projects, and continuity with the urban pattern has been targeted. Waterfront regeneration projects of port cities are exclusive projects. Waterfront regeneration projects steer our future through past.
By examining some case cities (Docklands, Genoa, Hafencity) we can learn from previous projects realised in last decades, beginning with London Docklands in the European context and reaching today Hamburg Hafencity; the biggest regeneration project in Europe. While this project demonstrates a successful intervention; a relatively failed example from Turkey might be Izmir (Western Turkish waterfront city) waterfront regeneration project. The Hafencity project focused on building quality, sustainability, re-thinking the use of sources, learning through evaluation of previous works.
Like other port cities in the world, the port area of Izmir became a derelict area after de-industrialization. Especially the industrial area behind the port was heavily affected and became vacant. As industrial buildings could not adapt to the changes, they have been abandoned. Only wheat and gas factories are transformed into university and cultural centre.
Although the city of Izmir was affected by fire and war; its cultural memory is a total of different layers of cumulative culture. The failure of the project provides an opportunity to study the role of actors (including architects, planners, organizations, stakeholders) and draw some lessons through previous generations of waterfront regenerations for Izmir. The study mainly aims to suggest some objectives and approaches for the future of the waterfronts of Izmir.This study analyses the processes and approaches of waterfront regenerations in Europe and examines the factors and actors influencing these processes and aims to evaluate the implementations. Ports have great potentials for transformation of the abandoned industrial heritage for new activities. Throughout the whole world, waterfront regeneration projects are being developed on waterfronts during the last decades. Port cities were always busy due to their trade relations for many centuries. There are some common processes and cross-cultural transactions between port cities, as all port cities have to respond to the same functions to be part of the network. As the functioning ways of transportation and handling were similar, waterfronts of port cities were also designed in a similar way in the 19th and 20th century. Since ports were interrelated and the phenomenon of cross-culturalism existed, architectural approaches and implementations in port cities were transferred to other...This study analyses the processes and approaches of waterfront regenerations in Europe and examines the factors and actors influencing these processes and aims to evaluate the implementations. Ports have great potentials for transformation of the abandoned industrial heritage for new...Fatma Tanis, Fatma Erkök151-161 -
The present work aims at outlining a current urban scenario of the urban planning implemented in the city of Santos (Brazil), especially the policies of urban and port requalification through the analysis of the actions of Alegra Centro Program. Alegra Centro is the name of the Revitalization and Development Program of the Historical Central Region of Santos. The program was created by the city government in February of 2003 and the analysis is focused on the last decade. The program is based on strategic actions and goals for development of the central area of Santos and its port. It also stimulates the resumption of economic development through actions in the following areas: improvement of the urban landscape; preservation and restoration of historical sites, artistic and landscape heritage; integration between the pier and the central area among others. Based on Harvey (2002) and others authors this paper identifies the process of capital accumulation and reproduction in the local space through the analysis of the developing urban requalification policy, therefore the resilience of the urban space (THACKARA, 2009), and its historical relationship in the process of the city urban planning. This work also deals with the transformations of the urban space of the city of Santos, from the physical and social point of view. It discusses the realized actions in the process of urban requalification and compares them with the ones taken towards housing policy. The proposal of the present work verifies that the project of requalification of Santos is indeed one that privileges the allocation of public resources in a strategic site of the city. Furthermore, would not the implementation of the urban requalification model be the adoption of “displaced ideas” (SCHWARZ, 1999) therefore the importation of models without considering the specificities, local reality and social fragilities? It discusses and concludes the following hypotheses: the proposal of requalification is more of an ideological rhetoric, which perpetuates the accumulation of capital, therefore the resilience of the urban space; the studied demonstrates the impact of the proposals in the urban dynamics and reality and its social issue. It confirms the thesis that the ongoing redevelopment project in the city of Santos is an urban policy that favors the allocation of public resources in strategic areas of the city, especially in the central area, for the benefit of private entrepreneurs. And finally it demonstrates the city plan or scheme that is being implemented in Santos, which is the allocation of public resources in the city central area as a public strategic that has been deepened the social issues without considering the local residents.The present work aims at outlining a current urban scenario of the urban planning implemented in the city of Santos (Brazil), especially the policies of urban and port requalification through the analysis of the actions of Alegra Centro Program. Alegra Centro is the name of the Revitalization and Development Program of the Historical Central Region of Santos. The program was created by the city government in February of 2003 and the analysis is focused on the last decade. The program is based on strategic actions and goals for development of the central area of Santos and its port. It also stimulates the resumption of economic development through actions in the following areas: improvement of the urban landscape; preservation and restoration of historical sites, artistic and landscape heritage; integration between the pier and the central area among others. Based on Harvey (2002) and others authors this paper identifies the process of capital accumulation and reproduction in...The present work aims at outlining a current urban scenario of the urban planning implemented in the city of Santos (Brazil), especially the policies of urban and port requalification through the analysis of the actions of Alegra Centro Program. Alegra Centro is the name of the...Clarissa D. C. Souza163-173
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This paper analyses waste management and the production of space over time in the city of Antwerp, Belgium. By reconstructing how shifting waste practices simultaneously reshape our urban environments at multiple scales, this paper also articulates historic interplays between waste management, urban development and planning practices. Benefiting from available waste processes and materials is a practice that disappeared during industrialisation scale jumps and more linear processes of urbanisation and consumption indeed dominate the current practices. But cities like Antwerp are rethinking these resource consumptive processes and orienting their policies towards what is generally labelled as a resource independent ‘circular economy’. In order to be resilient for climate change, Antwerp’s centralized and heavily engineered and stressed waste collection and treatment installations of the last century require revision, if not systemic redefinition. After a century of dumping on peripheral locations, bottom-up initiatives such as repair cafés, zero waste shops, green schools and even supermarkets are changing the cultural appreciation of ‘waste’ in Antwerp by pulling ‘waste practices’ back into the city and activating social community spaces. What can we learn from the historic interplays between waste and urban development in Antwerp at the eve of Antwerp’s next –circular- waste geography?This paper analyses waste management and the production of space over time in the city of Antwerp, Belgium. By reconstructing how shifting waste practices simultaneously reshape our urban environments at multiple scales, this paper also articulates historic interplays between waste management, urban development and planning practices. Benefiting from available waste processes and materials is a practice that disappeared during industrialisation scale jumps and more linear processes of urbanisation and consumption indeed dominate the current practices. But cities like Antwerp are rethinking these resource consumptive processes and orienting their policies towards what is generally labelled as a resource independent ‘circular economy’. In order to be resilient for climate change, Antwerp’s centralized and heavily engineered and stressed waste collection and treatment installations of the last century require revision, if not systemic redefinition. After a century of...This paper analyses waste management and the production of space over time in the city of Antwerp, Belgium. By reconstructing how shifting waste practices simultaneously reshape our urban environments at multiple scales, this paper also articulates historic interplays between waste...Julie Marin, Bruno De Meulder179-190
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Numerous actors have been involved in the planning of the port and city of Naples; actors who have different ideas and goals, different tools, and even time-frames. The European Union, the Italian nation, the Campania Region, the Municipality of Naples, and the Port Authority act upon the port at different levels of planning. Each entity has different spatialities and temporalities. Their diverse goals have led port and city to develop into separate entities, from a spatial, functional as well as administrative point of view. The different scopes of their planning are particularly visible in the zone between port and city.
Using and challenging the theory of path dependency, this paper explores the diverging ways in which a range of different institutions have planned for port and city starting from nineteenth century until today. It studies how the introduction of different institutions and their evolution has influenced plan making over time. The case of Naples shows the challenges that arise from the palimpsest of plans and goals associated with port and city, and that are particularly visible in the port-city interface in Naples.
Numerous actors have been involved in the planning of the port and city of Naples; actors who have different ideas and goals, different tools, and even time-frames. The European Union, the Italian nation, the Campania Region, the Municipality of Naples, and the Port Authority act upon the port at different levels of planning. Each entity has different spatialities and temporalities. Their diverse goals have led port and city to develop into separate entities, from a spatial, functional as well as administrative point of view. The different scopes of their planning are particularly visible in the zone between port and city.
Using and challenging the theory of path dependency, this paper explores the diverging ways in which a range of different institutions have planned for port and city starting from nineteenth century until today. It studies how the introduction of different institutions and their evolution has influenced...
Numerous actors have been involved in the planning of the port and city of Naples; actors who have different ideas and goals, different tools, and even time-frames. The European Union, the Italian nation, the Campania Region, the Municipality of Naples, and the Port...
Paolo De Martino203-216 -
Urbanity is political. Thus, urbanists have to engage with political issues and systems in order to address injustices of the past, and create a more equitable present. Especially in the context of South African cities, which are still dominated by apartheid morphologies. 2016 marks South Africa’s 22nd year into democracy, but what are the achievements and advancements in transforming the spatial legacy the ‘new’ country inherited from the Apartheid dispensation? Moreover, what are the characteristics of a post-apartheid, democratic city and society? The City of Johannesburg, the local authority of the Johannesburg Metropolitan regions, believes that transport networks must play a role to support the creation of social cohesion in a highly segregated city to address the spatial legacy of apartheid. It has therefore implemented a number of transport oriented development plans throughout the city including the Corridors of Freedom development plan.
This paper unpacks theory around the concept of social cohesion, in order to understand why this is relevant to planning trajectories in South Africa. Furthermore, it discusses social, economic and spatial legacies to which planning needs to respond. It examines the Corridors of Freedom, a ‘Transit Orientated Development’ framework proposed by the City of Johannesburg aimed at “stitching” the city together. It critically analyses the plan’s objectives and how it addresses issues of social cohesion to highlight some of the strengths and shortcomings of the proposed ‘Corridors’.Urbanity is political. Thus, urbanists have to engage with political issues and systems in order to address injustices of the past, and create a more equitable present. Especially in the context of South African cities, which are still dominated by apartheid morphologies. 2016 marks South Africa’s 22nd year into democracy, but what are the achievements and advancements in transforming the spatial legacy the ‘new’ country inherited from the Apartheid dispensation? Moreover, what are the characteristics of a post-apartheid, democratic city and society? The City of Johannesburg, the local authority of the Johannesburg Metropolitan regions, believes that transport networks must play a role to support the creation of social cohesion in a highly segregated city to address the spatial legacy of apartheid. It has therefore implemented a number of transport oriented development plans throughout the city including the Corridors of Freedom development plan.
Urbanity is political. Thus, urbanists have to engage with political issues and systems in order to address injustices of the past, and create a more equitable present. Especially in the context of South African cities, which are still dominated by apartheid morphologies. 2016 marks South...Absalom Makhubu223-234 -
The development of transport networks has been explained, predicted and planned using a variety of methodological approaches. These range from narrative historical accounts to the application of models borrowed from the natural sciences, the latter being predominant in the field of transport economics. Probably the most remarkable example is the mimicking of highway networks by slime mould in Petri dishes. The aim of this paper is to examine and compare methods used to hypothesise on and explain the development of transport networks, and we specifically focus on methods that emphasise topology over topography, relations over form (in line with the work of Gabriel Dupuy and others). Belgium was chosen as case because the topology of Belgium’s highway network is considered by some as one of the most ‘rational’ in the world, although its form and materiality are often qualified as ‘chaotic’, or indeed ‘irrational’. The quantitative analysis of the development of this network reported in the present paper indicates that this supposed rationality is seldom followed and seemingly ‘irrational’ parameters literally deviate its growth. Therefore, the quantitative part is complemented by a historical analysis which focuses more on the role, and indeed rationality, of historical actors and the wider institutional context. Material provided by this case study supplies fuel for discussion about broader issues, in particular the underlying ideological and political-economic claims associated with a particular methodological approach. This is especially relevant given the fact that models used to predict past transport investments are also employed to evaluate future investments in infrastructure. Quantitative approaches generally attribute a central role to the concept of demand, and thus degrees of ‘rationality’ are in fact linked to ideas of consumer democracy where individual demand guides investment decisions. In contrast, interpretations of a less deterministic nature emphasise the degrees of freedom of political actors/choice. We conclude that the views held by actors of the past, present and future of transport networks are relevant for democratic debates on transport policy since the metaphors and models used are not value-neutral.The development of transport networks has been explained, predicted and planned using a variety of methodological approaches. These range from narrative historical accounts to the application of models borrowed from the natural sciences, the latter being predominant in the field of transport economics. Probably the most remarkable example is the mimicking of highway networks by slime mould in Petri dishes. The aim of this paper is to examine and compare methods used to hypothesise on and explain the development of transport networks, and we specifically focus on methods that emphasise topology over topography, relations over form (in line with the work of Gabriel Dupuy and others). Belgium was chosen as case because the topology of Belgium’s highway network is considered by some as one of the most ‘rational’ in the world, although its form and materiality are often qualified as ‘chaotic’, or indeed ‘irrational’. The quantitative analysis of the development of...The development of transport networks has been explained, predicted and planned using a variety of methodological approaches. These range from narrative historical accounts to the application of models borrowed from the natural sciences, the latter being predominant in the field of...Thomas Vanoutrive, Ilja Van Damme, Greet De Block235-246
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Global mean temperatures have increased, average sea levels have risen, snow cover has decreased, glaciers and icecaps have started to melt, thunderstorms and torrential rains have occurred in dry areas, all pointing towards climate change. NASA has mentioned that majority of the climate scientists agree that these indicators of climate-warming trends over the past century are mostly due to human activities. The United Nations has endorsed this position and forecasted that around 50 million people will become environmental refugees by the end of this decade (UNEP, 2005). Due to this, most of the world is debating how to reduce greenhouse emissions that cause climate change and how to build resilience to the inevitable effects of climate change through various climate summits. Even though the awareness of building resilience in cities exists around the world, developing nations are facing challenges in building resilient cities due to over population and unplanned growth in the process of rapid urbanisation and economic development.
One such example is Chennai, a coastal city in India. Though the city has experienced major floods in 1943, 1978, and 2005; the recent unprecedented rainfall in the fall of 2015 caused by the El Nino phenomenon had collapsed Chennai with flash floods. This presented an Indian context of climate change crisis – which is a consequence of expanding cities over existing environmental systems thereby damaging them severely. The city of Chennai, from Pre Independence to Post Independence, has been filling natural ponds, lakes and marshes to expand the city to allow closer proximity to the city centre for economic development. While these actions have resulted in increased flooding during rain, conditions of water scarcity has been observed during summer.
Hasty urbanization has given no regard to the traditional system of planning which had once respected nature and combated floods and droughts through the various cultural practices and taboos practiced by the people. Thus, it is essential to look back at the planning trajectory of Chennai and to recognise methods used traditionally in the region to survive the environmental disaster, making the city flood resilient. This research explores the possibilities of alternative and sustainable approaches for resilient urban development using the environmental disaster of Chennai’s 2015 flood as a case study. This examination uncovers the traditional, the British Raj-era, the post-Independence, and the contemporary development context in order to understand the local context for where and when coastal human settlement negatively impacted the natural system.
As Eliot Scalar said, “adaptation is the key. If we need to reverse climate change, we first have to survive long enough to do that”- Century of the city- No time to loose (Rockefeller Foundation, 2008).Global mean temperatures have increased, average sea levels have risen, snow cover has decreased, glaciers and icecaps have started to melt, thunderstorms and torrential rains have occurred in dry areas, all pointing towards climate change. NASA has mentioned that majority of the climate scientists agree that these indicators of climate-warming trends over the past century are mostly due to human activities. The United Nations has endorsed this position and forecasted that around 50 million people will become environmental refugees by the end of this decade (UNEP, 2005). Due to this, most of the world is debating how to reduce greenhouse emissions that cause climate change and how to build resilience to the inevitable effects of climate change through various climate summits. Even though the awareness of building resilience in cities exists around the world, developing nations are facing challenges in building resilient cities due to over population and unplanned growth in the...Global mean temperatures have increased, average sea levels have risen, snow cover has decreased, glaciers and icecaps have started to melt, thunderstorms and torrential rains have occurred in dry areas, all pointing towards climate change. NASA has mentioned that majority of the climate...Lakshmi Manohar, Muthaiah K T251-260 -
There are cogent arguments supporting the idea that resilient urbanism requires successful streets. Successful streets in city centres require a balance between efficient traffic movement and spaces for pedestrians on which urban vitality and economies depend. This balance was fractured in the 1940’s with the growth of car ownership, and traffic solutions prioritising vehicle movement. Responding to these issues in 1963, the Buchanan Report, Traffic in Towns advocated building motorways in towns, but in such a way that these circled what were called ‘environmental areas’. Auckland enthusiastically embraced motorway construction from 1955, and proposals to build a new civic centre at this time were seen as an opportunity to improved traffic flow in the inner city. This included the insertion of a new circular street, Mayoral Drive, cutting across the previous small scale grain of blocks and streets. The success of this street 50 years since its construction is assessed using urban design criteria. The conclusion drawn is that apart from two small areas, Mayoral Drive remains a largely unsuccessful street at the heart of Auckland, with a configuration that remains difficult to remediate from both a private and public investment point of view.There are cogent arguments supporting the idea that resilient urbanism requires successful streets. Successful streets in city centres require a balance between efficient traffic movement and spaces for pedestrians on which urban vitality and economies depend. This balance was fractured in the 1940’s with the growth of car ownership, and traffic solutions prioritising vehicle movement. Responding to these issues in 1963, the Buchanan Report, Traffic in Towns advocated building motorways in towns, but in such a way that these circled what were called ‘environmental areas’. Auckland enthusiastically embraced motorway construction from 1955, and proposals to build a new civic centre at this time were seen as an opportunity to improved traffic flow in the inner city. This included the insertion of a new circular street, Mayoral Drive, cutting across the previous small scale grain of blocks and streets. The success of this street 50 years since its construction is assessed...There are cogent arguments supporting the idea that resilient urbanism requires successful streets. Successful streets in city centres require a balance between efficient traffic movement and spaces for pedestrians on which urban vitality and economies depend. This balance was fractured in...Errol Haarhoff, Elizabeth Aitken-Rose261-271
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This paper analyzes the past two decades’ initiatives to regenerate the São Paulo city center. The research initially focuses on a period divided into three stages, each marked by a long-term structuring project: Operação Urbana Centro (Operation City Center), launched in 1997; Programa Ação Centro (Action Program for the Center), started in 2002; and Nova Luz, in 2005.
Within the context of contemporary cities, downtown areas in large cities in Brazil and around the world are undergoing similar transformations: peripheral growth, metropolitanization, population flight, and changes to the economic profile of downtowns and traditional areas such as historic centers and industrial and port zones. This scenario has prompted several proposals and discussions for urban projects, urban operations and improvement programs for these areas. These intervention projects result from an ideology in which global cities need to appear competitive on the economic stage in order to attract investment. They are models that are able to promote their position using economic change as a path.
In the case of the projects analyzed in Brazil, regardless of municipal management changes the center has always been subject to intervention, due to underused existing infrastructure, to the area’s history or to its important strategic location.
In São Paulo, the noticeable thing about the initiatives that gained strength in the 1990s is the structural differences between the three main projects: from Operação Urbana Centro (a specific law aimed at attracting new activities to the center and raising funds for improvements to the urban environment) to Ação Centro (an improvements and social development program drawn up through financing from the Inter-American Development Bank); and finally, Projeto Nova Luz (which proposes the redesigning of 45 blocks).
This research thus analyzes how the projects have been carried out in contemporary cities, the concept behind interventions in historic centers and the ways in which these municipal government initiatives have been planned and implemented. By seeking elements to promote urban regeneration based on preexisting factors and on local development, this research aims at contributing towards the redrafting of intervention policies in urban centers, especially in a São Paulo characterized by dispersed urbanization and significant market influence.
This paper has been divided into three parts: an assessment of contemporary transformations and urban projects; a review of facts and elements prior to the projects; and a critical analysis of the center and of the three intervention approaches. It concludes with comments on how these approaches complement each other, on the absence of comprehensive policies for the Regeneration of the City Center and on the need for shared and inclusive urban management.This paper analyzes the past two decades’ initiatives to regenerate the São Paulo city center. The research initially focuses on a period divided into three stages, each marked by a long-term structuring project: Operação Urbana Centro (Operation City Center), launched in 1997; Programa Ação Centro (Action Program for the Center), started in 2002; and Nova Luz, in 2005.
Within the context of contemporary cities, downtown areas in large cities in Brazil and around the world are undergoing similar transformations: peripheral growth, metropolitanization, population flight, and changes to the economic profile of downtowns and traditional areas such as historic centers and industrial and port zones. This scenario has prompted several proposals and discussions for urban projects, urban operations and improvement programs for these areas. These intervention projects result from an ideology in which global cities need to appear competitive on the economic...This paper analyzes the past two decades’ initiatives to regenerate the São Paulo city center. The research initially focuses on a period divided into three stages, each marked by a long-term structuring project: Operação Urbana Centro (Operation City Center), launched in 1997;...Nadia Somekh, Bruna Fregonezi275-284 -
The paper poses the question about the planning modernization processes happened in Latin America, and about the role that disasters, and specifically earthquakes, played within them. In the case of Chile, earthquakes have been present all along its history. During the 20th century, some of them have been significant factors in the development of modernization process: Valparaíso, 1906, Talca 1928, among others. What kind of discussion about urban modernization did those disasters open, and how was modern planning perceived within them?
The proposed hypothesis suggests that resilience, developed as a cultural feature, after a long exposure to earthquakes and others disasters, not only promotes the reconstruction processes, but also offers the opportunity to discuss urban models and paradigms. Following the way in which Schumpeter and others have put it (creative destruction), reconstruction processes have been occasions to promote already existing urban agendas or introduce new concepts, methods and paradigms.
The Chillán earthquake, happened in Chile in January 1939, is proposed as an study case to examine those processes. The earthquake coincided with a political crises, involving social, economical and cultural dimensions. The reconstruction of Chillán and other cities in the region, opened a big discussion among local planners. This surpassed the technical domain and permeated into the media and the public opinion.
The two main struggling forces were those of Karl Brunner disciples and Le Corbusier partisans. Both considered themselves as modern planning representatives, but conceiving this in very different ways. Karl Brunner (1887-1960) had visited Chile in 1929 and 1932. He delivered the first Latin American planning seminar at Universidad de Chile and did urban plans for the government and Santiago Municipality. He had set an agenda for urban modernization in the country, which had been developed by his disciples in the following years. Le Corbusier (1887-1965) on his side, had visited some Latin American countries (Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay)in 1929, while Brunner was working in Chile. After the Chillán earthquake, a group of architects invited Le Corbusier to visit the country and have a leading role in the reconstruction process. Brunner disciples strongly opposed the idea, detonating a public controversy about the nature of modern planning.
The paper suggests that this local discussion reflected tensions that went far beyond the local realm. They had to do with different conceptions about modernization processes and urban planning renovation. At the same time, this polarization, taking place within the experts’ realm, reflected a wider dispute about Latin America as a possible professional field for European or North American planners.The paper poses the question about the planning modernization processes happened in Latin America, and about the role that disasters, and specifically earthquakes, played within them. In the case of Chile, earthquakes have been present all along its history. During the 20th century, some of them have been significant factors in the development of modernization process: Valparaíso, 1906, Talca 1928, among others. What kind of discussion about urban modernization did those disasters open, and how was modern planning perceived within them?
The proposed hypothesis suggests that resilience, developed as a cultural feature, after a long exposure to earthquakes and others disasters, not only promotes the reconstruction processes, but also offers the opportunity to discuss urban models and paradigms. Following the way in which Schumpeter and others have put it (creative destruction), reconstruction processes have been occasions to promote already existing...The paper poses the question about the planning modernization processes happened in Latin America, and about the role that disasters, and specifically earthquakes, played within them. In the case of Chile, earthquakes have been present all along its history. During the 20th century, some of...Fernando Perez Oyarzun289-300 -
Based on the framework of governance adapted from the work of Patsy Healey and drawing on the case of Guangzhou, which is regarded as the most vulnerable city in China to flooding and waterlogging, this paper adds to the literature on urban climate change adaptation. It does so by shedding light on the history of the city’s struggle against the water and examining why the current spatial planning and flood risk management fails to address the growing flood risk linked with climate change. The paper distinguishes two major transformations of the approach to dealing with water in Guangzhou. Historically, the city was built under the influence of Fengshui Philosophy and co-existed with water. Then, the approach shifted towards engineering-based solutions to containing flood risk under the stress of rapid city expansion. After that, in the context of a changing climate, to minimise flood risk the local government is transferring its priorities from the planning of hard engineering solutions (back) towards soft nature-based solutions. However, the deeply rooted top-down planning culture and clear-cut functional separation between different departments of the local government critically affect the implementation of the policy and cooperation between the different agencies to address the present and increasingly urgent cross-cutting climate change adaptation agenda.Based on the framework of governance adapted from the work of Patsy Healey and drawing on the case of Guangzhou, which is regarded as the most vulnerable city in China to flooding and waterlogging, this paper adds to the literature on urban climate change adaptation. It does so by shedding light on the history of the city’s struggle against the water and examining why the current spatial planning and flood risk management fails to address the growing flood risk linked with climate change. The paper distinguishes two major transformations of the approach to dealing with water in Guangzhou. Historically, the city was built under the influence of Fengshui Philosophy and co-existed with water. Then, the approach shifted towards engineering-based solutions to containing flood risk under the stress of rapid city expansion. After that, in the context of a changing climate, to minimise flood risk the local government is transferring its priorities from the planning of hard...Based on the framework of governance adapted from the work of Patsy Healey and drawing on the case of Guangzhou, which is regarded as the most vulnerable city in China to flooding and waterlogging, this paper adds to the literature on urban climate change adaptation. It does so by shedding...Meng Meng, Marcin Dubrwoski311-326
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Turkey, located in an active part of the Alpine-Himalayan belt, is a vulnerable country that faces a major earthquake on an average of every year and a half. In Istanbul, during the last 500 years, several devastating earthquakes had occurred. The earthquakes in August 1509, April 1557, July 1690, May 1766 and July 1894 were recorded with massive social - economic depressions and physical destructions. Besides the significant amount of deaths in each earthquake, monumental buildings and civil architecture listed as country's cultural heritages; the City Walls, the Topkapi Palace, the Aga Sophia, the Fatih Mosque, the Grand Bazaar and thousands of residents and inns, were damaged and needed to be reconstructed.
Addition to these major earthquakes, numbers of great fires had impaired the city. In 1729, one great fire had destroyed one – eighth of the Istanbul from the gate of Fener to Ayvansaray. Between 1782 and 1784, serial fires occurred in Istanbul. Beyoglu, Galata and Karakoy districts burnt completely in the Great Beyoglu Fire in 1870. Destructions were triggered new development decisions and preventive implementations. After each disaster, more innovative techniques and durable materials were used in reconstruction processes; also, the urban pattern was confronted with alterations according to the needs of the recovery phase, for instance, evacuation and temporary accommodation for disaster survivors.
Cultural and natural heritages are not only under the pressure of rapid urbanisation or prone to deterioration, change and disappearance but also vulnerable to disasters such as ground motion due to earthquakes and fires. Non-negligible efforts have been made to prevent physical damage and minimise the number of possible deaths especially in the urban historic sites in Turkey. Principles, to redefine goals, strategies and implementation for risk mitigation, have been developed
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This paper focuses on great disasters that threatened the urban fabric in the history of Istanbul and still threatens the urban conservation sites. It aims to lead a discussion on how to continue conservation studies to risk preparedness and preventive care for Turkey’s cultural heritage. In this study initially, post – disaster assessment literature in urban conservation sites are investigated to comprehend recovery phases of the last 500 years’ major disasters and highlight the vulnerability of urban conditions. Risk prevention and mitigation principles consisting structural peculiarities, physical density, open space network and routes for evacuations will be discussed based on the old site plans of Istanbul the years between 1500’s and 1900’s. Lastly, alternative interventions for historic urban sites conservation under the disaster risk will be discussed with case studies in urban planning, urban conservation and architectural design tools.Turkey, located in an active part of the Alpine-Himalayan belt, is a vulnerable country that faces a major earthquake on an average of every year and a half. In Istanbul, during the last 500 years, several devastating earthquakes had occurred. The earthquakes in August 1509, April 1557, July 1690, May 1766 and July 1894 were recorded with massive social - economic depressions and physical destructions. Besides the significant amount of deaths in each earthquake, monumental buildings and civil architecture listed as country's cultural heritages; the City Walls, the Topkapi Palace, the Aga Sophia, the Fatih Mosque, the Grand Bazaar and thousands of residents and inns, were damaged and needed to be reconstructed.
Addition to these major earthquakes, numbers of great fires had impaired the city. In 1729, one great fire had destroyed one – eighth of the Istanbul from the gate of Fener to Ayvansaray. Between 1782 and 1784, serial fires occurred in...Turkey, located in an active part of the Alpine-Himalayan belt, is a vulnerable country that faces a major earthquake on an average of every year and a half. In Istanbul, during the last 500 years, several devastating earthquakes had occurred. The earthquakes in August 1509, April 1557,...Nuran Zeren Gulersoy, Balin Ozcan Koyunoglu353-366 -
On January 24, 1939 an intense earthquake -equivalent to 7.8 degrees on Richter scale- shattered the city of Chillán (Chile) killing 20,000 people and implicating the destruction of the economic basis of a large region of the country, involving some 600 km long. This devastation resulted in the complete reorganization of prevention systems, planning and reconstruction, giving rise to new government structures and policies related to both urban development and the possibilities of restoring urban dynamics.
The paper will present, on the one hand, the new institutional structures developed from the experience, including the Corporación de Fomento (CORFO) -an institution created to promote the reconstruction of regional and national economy, based on Keynesian principles for intervention and state’s promotion as regards economy and industrial production- and the Corporación para la Reconstrucción y Auxilio (CRA) -an agency concerned with the physical reconstruction of infrastructure, towns and cities; integral regional and urban planning and financial and credit management, both for the public and private sphere.
On the other, at the urban level -and particularly in the case concerning the reconstruction of Chillán- urban visions were varied. Among those, the protagonists were only two: tabula rasa and traditional planning. Planning alternatives and its ideas will be presented, including the failure to develop the destroyed cities plans by Le Corbusier and a significant proposal by Waldo Parragués, following the same corbusian ideas established in the ‘Ville Radieuse’ project. At the same time, the more definitive strategies contemplated a model of plan that would set the basis for the establishment of analytical and operational planning nationwide, via the Dirección General de Obras Públicas Planning Section.
The debate for the reconstruction of Chillán called for various urban approaches, forms and figures of modern planning, aiming to a model that incorporated both the dimensions of a new way of organizing the city, as the aspects related to its future capacity of resisting an earthquake similar to that occurred in 1939, mainly by means of zoning in relation to soil resistance and construction technologies possible to be used in public and private buildings.On January 24, 1939 an intense earthquake -equivalent to 7.8 degrees on Richter scale- shattered the city of Chillán (Chile) killing 20,000 people and implicating the destruction of the economic basis of a large region of the country, involving some 600 km long. This devastation resulted in the complete reorganization of prevention systems, planning and reconstruction, giving rise to new government structures and policies related to both urban development and the possibilities of restoring urban dynamics.
The paper will present, on the one hand, the new institutional structures developed from the experience, including the Corporación de Fomento (CORFO) -an institution created to promote the reconstruction of regional and national economy, based on Keynesian principles for intervention and state’s promotion as regards economy and industrial production- and the Corporación para la Reconstrucción y Auxilio (CRA) -an agency concerned with the...On January 24, 1939 an intense earthquake -equivalent to 7.8 degrees on Richter scale- shattered the city of Chillán (Chile) killing 20,000 people and implicating the destruction of the economic basis of a large region of the country, involving some 600 km long. This devastation resulted...Horacio Torrent367-379 -
In 1975, and in an ambiance of increasing tension, the streets of Beirut served as a stage for a series of violent events and in a matter of days, the sounds of mortar shells and machine guns provided an applied interpretation of the conflicting interests of the different Lebanese and global political players. With few intermissions and a fluctuating intensity, the urban warfare continued for the following 15 years, and resulted in massive destructions and significant movement of citizen’s displacement. Following its instinct to survive and as a reaction to the on-going conflict, Beirut induced new forms of urbanism to maneuver through the imposed reality. The city became divided into two sides, and the once cosmopolitan vibrant city center, developed into an uninhabited green buffer between the rivals. Checkpoints were introduced to re-mark the acquired territories and the citizens’ relation to their public space was redefined by the fields of snipers’ fire. This metamorphosis of the city, together with the irregular and inconclusive nature of the conflict increased Beirut’s immunity to a fatal end. During the 15 years course of the conflict hopes were revived with every ceasefire and few reconstruction plans were developed. This presentation looks into the spatial production in Beirut under the traumatic conditions of the Lebanese civil war. It argues that the continuous process of spatial production which is displayed in the rearrangement of spaces and everyday urban practices is in itself a demonstration of resilience.
In 1975, and in an ambiance of increasing tension, the streets of Beirut served as a stage for a series of violent events and in a matter of days, the sounds of mortar shells and machine guns provided an applied interpretation of the conflicting interests of the different Lebanese and global political players. With few intermissions and a fluctuating intensity, the urban warfare continued for the following 15 years, and resulted in massive destructions and significant movement of citizen’s displacement. Following its instinct to survive and as a reaction to the on-going conflict, Beirut induced new forms of urbanism to maneuver through the imposed reality. The city became divided into two sides, and the once cosmopolitan vibrant city center, developed into an uninhabited green buffer between the rivals. Checkpoints were introduced to re-mark the acquired territories and the citizens’ relation to their public space was redefined by the fields of snipers’ fire....
In 1975, and in an ambiance of increasing tension, the streets of Beirut served as a stage for a series of violent events and in a matter of days, the sounds of mortar shells and machine guns provided an applied interpretation of the conflicting interests of the different Lebanese...
John Hanna383-388 -
With this paper, we intend to emphasize the resilient role of the city of Lisbon destroyed by the appalling Earthquake on 1 November 1755. Reconstructed in the eighteenth century by order of the Marquis of Pombal, it was one of the earliest cities transformed under the aegis of the Enlightenment through a complete modern plan.
Contemporary Lisbon identity is defined through the contrast between the rationality of Pombal´s plan - characterized by an orthogonal grid and a regular and homogeneous architecture - and the organic character that remained in the neighbourhoods resistant to the earthquake as well.
With urban expansion to north, this identity consolidates in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, through the opening of new streets and avenues and the creation of new neighbourhoods.
On 25 August 1988, the center of Lisbon is once again strucked by a major disaster: a devastating fire destroyed Chiado, one of the most city’s distinctive areas of the.
In the aftermath of Postmodernism debates, the period during which the municipal authorities reflected upon the best approach, several personalities related to architecture and culture as well civil community discussed the future of the affected area. Such a debate was polarized by two opposing views: the rebuilding of the destroyed buildings as they originally, or alternatively, the construction of new buildings with a new design expressing their own time and refusing a historicist pastiche.
The assignment of the project to Álvaro Siza Vieira put an end to the debate and gave rise to a new controversy. Siza proposed neither the full reconstruction of the pre-existing buildings nor a radical break with the past. He proposed instead a compromise solution based on the thesis that the affected area integrates a larger unit – the so called Baixa, the lower part of the city reconstructed under Pombal´s orders – which, as a "big building", should be "repaired" in order to preserve its identity.
Siza addressed a very personal interpretation of Lisbon. His plan rests upon on a thorough study of the Pombaline building system that ranges from the urban layout to the composition of facades, not to mention the details of doors and windows. Although there was not a guarantee for the success of the operation and the risk of urban mischaracterization was real, after the early years marked by uncertainty, Chiado was reborn to become one of the liveliest and vital areas of Lisbon.
Through multidisciplinary approach, we do not only intend to reflect on the urban history of Lisbon, but also to demonstrate that Siza´s reconstruction, which started in 1988, managed to reinterpret and to continue the 1755 plan, which has ensured the resilience of Lisbon´s identity facing an increasingly globalized world.With this paper, we intend to emphasize the resilient role of the city of Lisbon destroyed by the appalling Earthquake on 1 November 1755. Reconstructed in the eighteenth century by order of the Marquis of Pombal, it was one of the earliest cities transformed under the aegis of the Enlightenment through a complete modern plan.
Contemporary Lisbon identity is defined through the contrast between the rationality of Pombal´s plan - characterized by an orthogonal grid and a regular and homogeneous architecture - and the organic character that remained in the neighbourhoods resistant to the earthquake as well.
With urban expansion to north, this identity consolidates in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, through the opening of new streets and avenues and the creation of new neighbourhoods.
On 25 August 1988, the center of Lisbon is once again strucked by a major disaster: a devastating fire destroyed Chiado, one of the...With this paper, we intend to emphasize the resilient role of the city of Lisbon destroyed by the appalling Earthquake on 1 November 1755. Reconstructed in the eighteenth century by order of the Marquis of Pombal, it was one of the earliest cities transformed under the aegis of the...Jorge Nunes, Maria João Neto391-401 -
Throughout history, war and conflict have caused fundamental political, economic, and social transformations around the world, spatially impacting urban form. Nowhere is this more evident than in cities with distinctive identity and a rich historical landscape. Erbil, the capital of the Kurdish region and the forth-largest urban area in Iraq is such a city. Increased political and economic stability after the 2003 invasion of the country has led to a period of reconstruction as a part of the recovery process from decades of war. This has attracted an array of urban actors including international investors and NGOs that have influenced the transformation of Erbil’s place identity.
The city’s citadel, a UNESCO’s World Heritage Site, dates back to nearly 5000 B.C. and is thought to be one of the world’s oldest continuously inhabited settlements, which has gone through layers of different civilisations. It now stands as a symbol of Kurdish history and identity. The study focuses on the transformation of Erbil’s historic identity through urban form during the reconstruction process of a post-war city through a morphological analysis of the city’s historic core and contemporary urban areas. As government and policy-making system are trying to globally promote the city as the heart of the emerging Kurdish Nation, key informant interviews with local residents, policy makers, and stakeholders were used to explore the intensive urban development and recovery process. The resulting analysis of Erbil’s urban form has shown that post-war urban transformation has strong negative impact on place-identity. Therefore the study highlights the need for a resilient approach for cities to respond and recover from war and conflict. An approach that guides the development process in a way that allows for the evolution of place-identity to be rooted in history but open to future possibilities and modernisation.Throughout history, war and conflict have caused fundamental political, economic, and social transformations around the world, spatially impacting urban form. Nowhere is this more evident than in cities with distinctive identity and a rich historical landscape. Erbil, the capital of the Kurdish region and the forth-largest urban area in Iraq is such a city. Increased political and economic stability after the 2003 invasion of the country has led to a period of reconstruction as a part of the recovery process from decades of war. This has attracted an array of urban actors including international investors and NGOs that have influenced the transformation of Erbil’s place identity.
The city’s citadel, a UNESCO’s World Heritage Site, dates back to nearly 5000 B.C. and is thought to be one of the world’s oldest continuously inhabited settlements, which has gone through layers of different civilisations. It now stands as a symbol of Kurdish history...Throughout history, war and conflict have caused fundamental political, economic, and social transformations around the world, spatially impacting urban form. Nowhere is this more evident than in cities with distinctive identity and a rich historical landscape. Erbil, the capital of the...Avar Almukhtar403-416 -
Cities across the globe are increasingly becoming the main theater of modern warfare. Reviewing the 15 largest conflicts in the world in which International Committee of the Red Cross is active today, the most remarkable sites that emerge are urban centers. Cities like Gaza, Aleppo, Donetsk and Aden are enduring the hardest consequences of prolonged conflicts that transform the spaces of the everyday life into scenes of confrontation with the most existential challenge: survival (Chonghaile, 2015).
Wars in the middles demonstrate that the State is no longer defending its cities by its National Army; instead, the State is defended city by city and street by street through decentralized armed groups of regular armies, militia, mercenaries and armed civilians. Homes, markets, civic buildings and even hospitals are not only shelled from distance, but are also transformed into ‘miniature’ battlefields. This transformation of modern warfare from regular armies in open battlefields into paramilitary groups penetrating in and distorting urban fabrics raises the question over the resilience of the contemporary city.
With the increasing chaos of urban warfare, and the profound escalation of risks and costs of humanitarian aid, this paper aims to pay attention to the city and its tangible and intangible structures. It hypothesizes that the interplay between urban form and social norms (P. Rabinow, 1995 ) has a profound impact on the city’s resilience. By taking the case of Nablus- Palestine, the paper conducts a comparison between two urban fabrics that compose the city: the old town and the modern neighborhoods. For the last 15 years, Nablus has experienced diverse waves of violence ranging from night attacks, curfews to total invasion of 2002: during these events, residents of the city acquired experience and developed several resilience practices that vary according to the differences in the social and urban structures. This analytical comparison will provide better understanding of the relationship between the urban from and culture on the one side and resilience on the other side. The study of the accumulation of these experiences not only unfolds the inventiveness that extreme conditions catalyzes, but highlights the fundamental impact of spatial conditions on possible survival strategies. Isn’t survival the zero degree of resilience? In that sense, these accumulated experiences are an essential resource for any further physical and social planning of the city.
Modernity has overlooked the urban warfare, and modern urban planning does not address its probability. The WWII tactics of defending urban centers mainly focus on the external threats but not on the possible internal ones. However, nowadays, threat is coming from within including civil wars and terrorism. Modern warfare not only threatens cities in the Middle East, Africa and Latin America: terrorism demonstrates an internal menace that threatens the global city. The aftermath of the terror attacks on Paris and the emergency condition taken in Brussels afterward, have shown a sort of fragility in the preparedness of modern cities to confront the state of exception that more and more and on more and more places becomes the regular state.Cities across the globe are increasingly becoming the main theater of modern warfare. Reviewing the 15 largest conflicts in the world in which International Committee of the Red Cross is active today, the most remarkable sites that emerge are urban centers. Cities like Gaza, Aleppo, Donetsk and Aden are enduring the hardest consequences of prolonged conflicts that transform the spaces of the everyday life into scenes of confrontation with the most existential challenge: survival (Chonghaile, 2015).
Wars in the middles demonstrate that the State is no longer defending its cities by its National Army; instead, the State is defended city by city and street by street through decentralized armed groups of regular armies, militia, mercenaries and armed civilians. Homes, markets, civic buildings and even hospitals are not only shelled from distance, but are also transformed into ‘miniature’ battlefields. This transformation of modern warfare from regular...Cities across the globe are increasingly becoming the main theater of modern warfare. Reviewing the 15 largest conflicts in the world in which International Committee of the Red Cross is active today, the most remarkable sites that emerge are urban centers. Cities like Gaza, Aleppo, Donetsk...Abdalrahman Kittana423-432 -
In reference to urban resilience, "l'urbanisme" and post-1945 reconstruction, the objective is to focus on one city from a prominent group in the Low Countries. Having lost their historic primacy (e.g. with respect to Liège, Ghent, Antwerp and Brussels), these cities remain of crucial importance for their exceptional urban-architectural heritage and cultural prominence. One of the first Netherlandish urban communities to acquire municipal autonomy (1211), Tournai had an illustrious past comparable with that of Bruges. The key significance of this “République communale” - representing both the so-called fourth city of France and a leading Flemish economic centre - is reflected in its widely-preserved architectural profile, with many hundreds of listed town houses (12th to 19th centuries).
Tournai’s prolonged decline, after occupation by the English (1513-19) and inclusion within the Seventeen Provinces, provides a microcosm of Belgian history. Having largely converted to Calvinism (“la Genève du Nord”), provoking Spanish religious persecution, many Tournaisiens emigrated northward to the self-proclaimed Dutch Republic. Seized by the armies of Louis XIV (1667) and made seat of the Flemish „Parlement”, Tournai was then occupied by the anti-French Alliance, being incorporated successively into Habsburg Austria, Revolutionary France (1794-1815) and the Dutch Kingdom (1815-1830).
It is apparent that only in a fully independent Belgium was genuine socio-economic recovery possible. Through industrialisation and the country’s remarkably advanced economic infrastructure, it was hoped entrepreneurs would locate their businesses in or around Tournai. A crucial railway junction arose from 1842, linking the city with Mouscron, Liège (via Namur), Brussels and French-administered Lille. Magnificent boulevards radiating from the imposing railway station and replacing the demolished city walls testify to ambitious plans for a populous industrial centre rivalling Liège and Lille.
Tournai, however, appears to have been unattractively situated between the industrial areas of Belgian Hainaut (1. around Mons; 2. focussed on Charleroi) and burgeoning cross-border textile manufacturing towns of Tourcoing and Roubaix. If in 1846, with a population (including subsequently incorporated village communities) exceeding 65,600 inhabitants, the city had remained one of Belgium’s ten most populous built-up areas, the stagnation thereafter is strikingly revealed in later figures, ranging from 60,690 (1880) to 69,756 (2015), with (significantly) a 1910 peak of 74,921.
Tournai’s modern history, it is conjectured, came to be characterised by a combination of encroaching provincialism and resistance to being overshadowed by a number of agglomerations in the vicinity (Lille-Roubaix-Tourcoing on the French; Mons and Kortrijk on the Belgian side); cf. Delft with regard to Rotterdam-The Hague. Parochialism was reinforced by the city's inclusion in Hainaut, contradicting its historic associations with Flanders. Fortuitously, nonetheless, spared intensive industrialisation, Tournai’s unique historic qualities persisted, despite the ruinous air raid of May 1940 (over 1,700 homes and numerous public or ecclesiastical buildings obliterated, together with one of Belgium's richest municipal archives). A major aspect of the city’s irrepressibility may thus be exemplified in the urban core’s post-war reconstruction. Consideration is also required of how contemporary external forces may be undermining hereto persistent urban institutions and traditions. What does a rich urban heritage currently signify?In reference to urban resilience, "l'urbanisme" and post-1945 reconstruction, the objective is to focus on one city from a prominent group in the Low Countries. Having lost their historic primacy (e.g. with respect to Liège, Ghent, Antwerp and Brussels), these cities remain of crucial importance for their exceptional urban-architectural heritage and cultural prominence. One of the first Netherlandish urban communities to acquire municipal autonomy (1211), Tournai had an illustrious past comparable with that of Bruges. The key significance of this “République communale” - representing both the so-called fourth city of France and a leading Flemish economic centre - is reflected in its widely-preserved architectural profile, with many hundreds of listed town houses (12th to 19th centuries).
Tournai’s prolonged decline, after occupation by the English (1513-19) and inclusion within the Seventeen Provinces, provides a microcosm of Belgian history. Having...In reference to urban resilience, "l'urbanisme" and post-1945 reconstruction, the objective is to focus on one city from a prominent group in the Low Countries. Having lost their historic primacy (e.g. with respect to Liège, Ghent, Antwerp and Brussels), these cities remain of crucial...Peter Martyn433-446